|
 In part one , the economic analysis of dual citizenship discussed the
pareto criterion and recognized that social cost is negative to grant
dual citizenship for economic benefits. We were exposed to the
intrinsic paucity in the dual citizenship’s claimed of economic
supremacy.
For Coase, negative cost of social utility results to
inequality, and assignments of legal rights under such conditions
creates sufferings for ordinary citizens. We now turn to the education
claim for dual citizenship.
Dual citizenship proponents echoed a familiar Liberian political discourse, which dislocated the entire social fabric of our nation; an additional claim to their economic supremacy that our national social transformation should be the province of educated Liberians. Although persuasive, this educated reasoning demands that social engineers must deconstruct all existing traditional Liberian institutions-a radical transformation process that view traditional Liberians as inferior and lacking the understanding of nation building. We witness the recent attempt by government to discard the Liberianization policy which is gear toward promoting the business interest of ordinary citizens-this is the posture of dual citizenship.
1st Argument:
One group of Liberians, D, is Pareto superior to T, if and only if, T education is devalue and that T education is given no consideration for social engineering, but D education should get all opportunities for social planning.
Such deconstructionist nature of Dual Citizenship, to disregard the educational value of traditional Liberians has been a constant social variable and repeatedly experimented in the struggle for political pluralism since the beginning of the modern Liberian state. It was either the colonialist returning their black slaves to civilized the African barbarians; the misanthropic Rice politicians misadventure to deconstruct the TWP oligarchy, which later metamorphose into “phony militarism” that nearly annihilated the nation-state but surrendered our sovereignty to the unrestrained greed of criminal elements-all this in the name of value education. Thus, the deconstructionist nature of dual citizenship further argues:
2nd Argument:
T education is inferior to D, if and only if T education is not consider as a requirement for national development and D education is rewarded for political leadership.
The second argument is a paradoxical political discourse, proceeding not from skepticism, lacking in empiricism, but gushing out from dogmatic certainty, nourished by an elitist Pareto criterion ideology. Not surprisingly, this second argument is a crude betrayal of the very dogmatic certainty: that dual citizen possesses the educational gravitas for social engineering the progress of a battered people. For education is a not simply medieval mystic, like Kweetanmore’s witch hunt (that famous Lofa witch doctor), but education proceed from the freedom of scientific inquiry, keystone on objective mechanism to generate empirical support for any social transformation project.
Where is the empirical support for dual citizen’s educated claim? How many people are dual citizens and what are their education credentials? What are the exclusive contributions of dual citizens to the national development project of Liberia? Where do dual citizens reside: in Guinea, Ivory Coast, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Ghana, Burkina Faso, South Africa or only in America? Are dual citizens the only group of educated Liberians? Are dual citizens the only group of Liberians capable of contributing to the national development efforts of Liberia? So what is the reward for traditional Liberians, those Liberian who were PATRIOTIC to their country and did not acquire the citizenship of other nations? What is the reward for Traditional Liberians for also acquiring equal education in advance nations like America, Britain, Canada, France, and etcetera?
It was Comte who argument for “scientific politics,” overtime, of course, led to positivist sociology: the concept that social development (its organization, governance, and engineering) must apply assumptions and methodologies of the natural science to derive principles for understanding human reason. In this regard, dual citizen must embark on a knowledge-based enterprise, primarily recognizing the social development of traditional Liberians in politics, economics, and nation building. For education ought to function as a tool for social justice based on the principle of mutual dependence. Proponents of dual citizenship must present valid data from systemic observation and explain their reasoning, governed by the principles of social science. But most importantly, dual citizen must present a NATIONALISTIC argument and adopt a more PATRIOTIC course by humanizing their supremacist and elitist beliefs.
To elevate the claim of dual citizenship education value towards the development of Liberia means that proponents must demonstrate the exclusive function of their education, as a supreme social force, otherwise the distortion of education for dual citizenship must be rejected by the people, it loses any and all credibility thus, dual citizenship must not exist in Liberia.
Now here is the question: Is Dual Citizen a ‘monkey work baboon draw' argument?
On the altar of Jehovah I pledge undying resistance to education elitism “Excuse me while I throw out.”
---------------------------------
The author is a social and political commentator who resides in Pennsylvania. He can be reached at
This e-mail address is being protected from spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it
|
